The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most powerful holders of that position in American history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents were confined to peripheral or figurehead roles, Cheney held huge influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently calling him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were peers. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes altered his perspective, making him become determined on revenge. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the enhanced interrogation of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do then. I had faith then and I believe it now."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had composed a document outlining circumstances in which American interests might be compromised (featuring "access to crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to take unilateral action when joint efforts prove impossible," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a plot to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his parent's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was among the most vehement supporting invading Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were both insubstantial or totally deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the torture, Cheney dismissed the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels imposed on him by opponents such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the sinister strategist in the corner that remains unseen leave his domain? It's a effective way to function, actually."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his corporate affiliations accompanied him through his period as VP. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling over $20m|twenty
